jueves, 23 de febrero de 2017

¿Puede la ONU restaurar la paz? Una nueva visión de las Naciones Unidas

Can the UN restore international peace? Maybe, but only from the ground up
Written by
Adam DaySenior Policy Adviser, United Nations University Center for Policy Research
Joëlle JennyFellow, Weatherhead Center for International Affairs, Harvard university

Speaking in Davos at the start of the year, United Nations Secretary-General António Guterres laid out a vision of the interconnected nature of today’s conflicts, calling for a “comprehensive approach” by the UN that will bring together all of the organization’s pillars. This is a good move for a deeply fractured organization.

But in aiming big, and in focusing on bringing the major pieces of the UN architecture together, there is a risk that the crucial local dynamics of conflict will continue to be overlooked. Each of the key UN institutions – peace and security, human rights, and development – have a strong tendency to work at the national and state-institutional level. None has adequate mechanisms to link the national with the local. And while recent policy reviews and Guterres himself have called for a people-centred approach, it is less clear how that will be achieved. Here are three direct ways to combat the tendency to focus on the national level and to firmly root the UN’s conflict-management in local soil.

New technologies as a force multiplier for preventing conflict

In Davos, Guterres underlined that innovation and new technologies can play a critical role in addressing global crises. The risks associated with new technologies are well known: from the imminent threat of drone capabilities in the hands of terrorists, to genetically modified pandemic threats, to ISIS using social media as a recruitment tool. As Anja Kaspersen and Jean-Marc Rickli pointed out in an earlier Agenda article, this has allowed a far greater number of non-state actors access to the tools of conflict.
But modern communications technologies also offer the UN an opportunity to maintain closer links to populations, to understand potential drivers of conflict, and message more effectively against them.
The UN has taken some positive steps to bring local actors’ views into play through technology. This includes, for example, use of social networking in the eastern parts of the Democratic Republic of Congo to identify where violent incidents are likely to occur, and more systematic monitoring of social media in Kosovo. But these are minor steps where a major one is needed, and initiatives tend to be in relatively obscure parts of the system. Imagine if the UN had been able to systematically process the enormous amount of social media data coming out of Tahrir Square in Cairo in 2012 (rather than relying on a few staff reporting on what they could see from their bedroom windows). When a SCUD missile was launched from Yemen into Saudi Arabia in 2015, the first news of this was from civilians tweeting from the ground, not a state-run source or the UN. On Syria, a civilian nicknamed “Brown Moses” became an international authority because he figured out how to use multiple sources of information on Twitter and Facebook to validate claims of weapons use by the parties on the ground.
The UN has people on the ground in 193 countries in the world, but they tend to be limited by what they can see and who they know. Dedicating meaningful resources to harnessing the enormous power of social media and big data – both to pull in information and also to communicate more effectively with affected populations – would be an immediate force multiplier for the UN that would also bring its work closer to the people.

Locally-grown analysis

When examining conflict, the vast majority of UN-related analyses are focused on either socio-economic data (unemployment rates, rising prices) or national political issues (constitutions, elections). As a result, interventions tend to be focused on building up the institutions of the state, without sufficient regard for how underlying power dynamics might be affected by a new intervention.
Deciding where to build a road, what schools are selected for funding, what groups are included in a political process, whether to support elections – all of these will play out across a social fabric. None of them are neutral. More capable state institutions may in fact raise tensions if they play into predatory state practices or fail to deliver equitably across groups.
The call for a cross-pillar approach to conflict is appropriate, but the secretary-general should also demand more systematic inclusion of local stakeholders – including business leaders – in the development of analysis and planning, and empower UN staff to build the kind of anticipatory relationships that will underpin any effective prevention effort.
This is particularly the case in countries without a UN mission already in place, but where the likelihood of conflict is high. Here, UN development and humanitarian actors are on the whole viewed as “apolitical,” carrying out their programmes without delving into the murky waters of conflict resolution (though the use of peace and development advisers in some countries has helped). These are also the eyes and ears of the UN and often have their finger pressed most directly on the pulse of a country. If Guterres is to realize his vision of a more proactive conflict prevention platform, now is a good time to be bold about reforming the Resident Coordinator system to give it the necessary tools and capacities to be effective at preventing conflict and holding national leaders accountable to their people.

Don’t follow a track, tack with the wind

The UN should also move away from its linear, state-centred approach, which assumes that money + institution = stability. Conflicts arise within complex political systems, where individual interests intersect with communal, national and even transnational ones. The key factor in all of this is political will: what are the incentives for those individuals in power to adopt a peaceful path, and how do the interests of key groups intersect around conflict? Whether President Kabila decides to step down as head of state of the Democratic Republic of the Congo, for example, has everything to do with his personal sense of security and the interests he sees for himself and his broader network, including in the local communities. An approach that builds state institutions without accounting for this is equivalent to trying to sail a boat in a straight line against the wind.
Serious thought has gone into how to intervene in complex political systems, including in conflict-prone areas. The secretary-general’s call for a whole new approach to prevention is an excellent time for that thinking to be brought into the heart of the UN: when looking at conflict, the question should be “what is the theory of change and how can we influence the political will of those involved?” Again, this calls for a locally-driven analysis, and a better sense of how money and power flow through a system. The main point is that there is no straight line to peace, no results-based budget with prevention as a deliverable, and the UN’s planning should become more flexible and people-focused in response.
As Guterres tries to knock heads together and make the UN system work more effectively together, there will be a tendency to aim for the big hitters. Framework diplomacy, groups of friends, regional and international partnerships: all of these are necessary elements of a successful prevention platform. But people’s attitudes, behavioural patterns and interests are what drive and sustain conflict, and should therefore be at the core of the UN’s prevention work. The events of 2016 showcase the perils of ignoring people’s fears and wishes. Now is the right time to ground the UN’s work in the people it serves.
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https://www.weforum.org/agenda/2017/02/the-united-nations-can-restore-international-peace-but-first-it-must-reform



Sobre la Desigualdad de Género

5 things that must change to end gender inequality at work
Written by
Vyacheslav PolonskiNetwork Scientist, Oxford Internet Institute
Published
Thursday 23 February 2017

Human progress is a curious thing. It took less than 40 years to put a man on the moon, but it will take 170 years to put a woman in the board room in many places on our planet. According to the latest Global Gender Gap Report, this is the number of years before we close the global economic gender gap. Closing the global political gender gap is projected to take even longer.




There is no denying that the state of gender parity in the modern workplace is indeed alarming. Progress on some gender equality issues like discrimination and harassment is under way, but other areas like career development show little to no improvement. For example, only 3% of Fortune 500 companies have a female CEO. The share of women in FTSE 100 boards of directors remains stagnant at 12%. A quarter of all FTSE 100 boards are, in fact, still comprised of 100% men. No matter where you are, there are immense hurdles that women around the world have to face when it comes to career advancement.
Businesses remain stifled by entrenched leadership groups that claim these ostensible gender inequalities are related to issues of choice, not selection. According to them, the lack of female talent in management teams stems from the “different choices” that women tend to make throughout their careers. But is it really a matter of different ambitions and career choices? Or are we facing a much more systemic problem that permeates the whole of society?
A recent survey by the Harvard Business Review and Bain & Company finds overwhelming evidence for the shocking state of gender parity in today’s business world. A closer look at the data indicates that even though women are equally competent and equally suited for leadership positions, there are serious structural factors that hinder their advancement to the higher echelons of corporate hierarchies.
On the one hand, there are severe perception gaps that make the very discussion of gender parity in the workplace difficult. While over two-thirds of surveyed men indicated that, according to their opinion, women shared equal opportunities at their workplace, less than a third of surveyed women said they felt the same. Furthermore, 80% of women agreed that gender parity needs to become a strategic business imperative in their organization. By contrast, only 48% of men agreed with that statement. This stark contrast is indicative of a concerning perception gap on the state of gender parity, permitting some men and women to live in their own factual universe. Given these different perceptions of the problem at hand, it is not surprising that mostly male-led companies have been slow to adapt to the new reality.
On the other hand, there are cultural factors that impede progress towards greater parity. In many societies, there are deep-rooted gender stereotypes about the role of women as “caregivers” and men as “breadwinners”. The abovementioned HBR survey finds that, for 80% of women, these stereotypes are no longer plausible. Instead, these women assert that both men and women are equally good caregivers at home. Along similar lines, 77% of men believed that their partner should be the one making the career sacrifice for the sake of their family. However, only 53% of men said they were ready to make their own compromises for the sake of the household. Subconscious biases like this persist and it is evident that gender roles should not be used as a pretext for curbing women’s career development.
Therefore, there seems to be no compelling reason to argue that gender parity is just a minor PR issue that does not require extensive managerial attention. On the contrary, in order to effectively address these challenges, management teams need to act decisively and consider implementing the following five steps towards greater gender parity at work:
1. Systematically gather data to establish common ground for a discussion of gender inequality in the workplace. Gender parity metrics can, in fact, contribute to more open dialogue and a conversation that is based on facts, rather than speculation.
2. Change company culture to eliminate gender stereotypes associated with work-life balance programmes. This entails promoting gender-neutral flexible career paths and actively encouraging all employees to take advantage of these opportunities.
3. Modify the performance review process to prevent structural disadvantages for people who seize work-life balance opportunities. At the same time, remind team leaders not to penalize employees for their needed level of additional flexibility.
4. Keep searching for potential recruits until gender balanced is reached. Instead of implementing rigid quotas, continue to look for great candidates until there are an equal number of male and female candidates in the talent pool.
5. Finally and most importantly, make gender parity a strategic objective for the organization. The top-down commitment to addressing this issue is imperative, because it contributes to a progressive company culture that is based on accountability and equality.
170 years to close the economic gender gap is a timeframe we do not have to accept. We can do better than that. Martin Luther King Jr. once said that “human progress is neither automatic nor inevitable; it requires the tireless exertions and passionate concern of dedicated individuals”. This is why we should be optimistic. By actively promoting gender parity, facilitating flexible career growth and empowering more female leadership, we should be able to realistically accomplish this goal in our lifetimes.
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https://www.weforum.org/agenda/2017/02/5-things-that-must-change-to-end-gender-inequality-at-work


Las Democracias más solidas del Mundo

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Which are the world's strongest democracies?

Written by
Andrea WilligeFormative Content
Published
Thursday 23 February 2017

https://www.weforum.org/agenda/2017/02/which-are-the-worlds-strongest-democracies

Democracy is in decline.
The Economist Intelligence Unit’s (EIU) latest Democracy Index 2016 shows 72 countries experienced a decline in democratic values last year. Countries with declining levels of democracy outnumbered those becoming more democratic by more than 2 to 1.
The EIU’s Democracy Index measures the state of democracy by rating electoral processes and pluralism, the state of civil liberties, the functioning of government, political participation and political culture in more than 160 countries worldwide. The EIU’s ranking shows the average global democracy score in 2016 fell to 5.52, down from 5.55 in 2015 (on a scale of 0 to 10).




  The world's strongest democracies

Norway leads the world’s democracies
Norway leads the Index as the world’s strongest democracy, followed by Iceland and Sweden. New Zealand comes fourth, with Denmark in fifth and Canada and Ireland in joint sixth place. Switzerland, Finland and Australia round off the top ten of “full democracies.”




Image: Economist Intelligence Unit

Less than half the world lives in a democracy
The report finds that less than half (49%) the world’s population lives in a democracy of some sort, and only 4.5% reside in a “full democracy.” This is a steep decline from 2015, when it was just under 9%.




Image: Economist Intelligence Unit

The US is now a flawed democracy
This dramatic decline is primarily down to the US having been demoted to a “flawed democracy,” in the classification of the EIU - as a result of low public confidence in the government. The report stresses that this was strongly in evidence prior to the presidential election that saw Donald Trump become president. Similar trends were also in evidence in many other developed economies.




Image: Economist Intelligence Unit

Political participation increases as Britain shows the EU the red card
While disenchantment with political elites has led to a rise in populism, it has also sparked renewed political participation. In the EU referendum, 72% of the UK population turned out to vote, compared to an average of 63% in general elections over the past decade. This reversed a trend toward growing political apathy. The UK also saw a marked increase in membership of political parties. As a result, Britain’s democracy score has gone up from 8.31 (out of ten) in 2015 to 8.36 this year, placing it 16th among the “full democracies.”




Image: Economist Intelligence Unit

Eastern Europe questions the benefits of democracy
The former communist bloc in Eastern Europe has experienced the most significant regression recorded since the Democracy Index was launched in 2006. There is widespread disenchantment with democracy, with 18 countries in regression on its democratic trajectory and the remaining nine stalling to various degrees.
Estonia ranks the highest, at number 29. However, the EIU points out that there is not a single country which achieves ‘full democracy’ ranking, even though 11 of the countries surveyed are EU members. The most noticeable decline was in the rating of electoral processes.




Image: Economist Intelligence Unit

Democracy wavers around the globe
Sub-Saharan Africa is beating Eastern Europe when it comes to political participation but is still on the backfoot in terms of putting in place formal democracy. The region has made very little progress and its rating has been flat, suggesting that it still has a long way to go to improve aspects such as pluralism, the functioning of government and civil liberties, amongst others. Mauritius tops the regional list and is also the only country in the region to be considered a full democracy.




Image: Economist Intelligence Unit

Latin America has been ahead of the curve in terms of dealing with populism, having seen off a wave of left-wing populist support over the last decade. Last year saw the region supporting centre-right, pro-market candidates stepping into office. However, Uruguay is the only country to make it into the list of “full democracies,” at number 19.




Image: Economist Intelligence Unit

After achieving significant headway over the past decade, Asia’s score stagnated in 2016 (5.7), and is still lagging behind Latin America (6.3), Europe (8.4) and North America (8.6). Japan is the highest rated, at number 20, which also makes it top of the list of flawed democracies.




Image: Economist Intelligence Unit

In the Arab countries, the backlash from the Arab Spring is still very noticeable. Even Tunisia, the poster child of the uprising, has slipped by 12 places in the global ranking, putting it toward the bottom of the list of flawed democracies.




Image: Economist Intelligence Unit

Is there a silver lining?
The EIU report confirms that the quality of democracy has receded in the world as more and more of the electorate has been left disenchanted. However, it would appear that there is a silver lining in the increased political participation this has led to in many parts of the world.

Tres formas para reiniciar la Globalización

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3 ways to reboot globalization

Flags are pictured outside the European Headquarters of the United Nations in Geneva, Switzerland, September 13, 2016.  REUTERS/Denis Balibouse - RTSP5AU


Written by

Andrew ChakhoyanDirector of Government Relations, VimpelCom
Published
Thursday 23 February 2017

Last week, Mark Zuckerberg announced “Facebook's plan to bring the global community together.” A few months earlier, a Swedish billionaire, László Szombatfalvy, established the Global Challenges Foundation and announced a $5-million-dollar prize to solicit ideas for remodeling global cooperation. The timing couldn’t be more symbolic, as many pundits are alarmed by what they see as an unraveling of the international system, exemplified by Brexit and a surge of anti-establishment political movements.
Globalization is vehemently disparaged by a number of prominent politicians, and Francis Fukuyama who, at one point, declared the ‘end of history,’ is now wondering how prepared our institutions really are to withstand a strong backlash. In this context, one could wonder, ‘Do we even need a system for global cooperation’? For me, the answer is a resounding Yes.
Global and regional institutions, such as the U.N. Security Council or the EU, are widely criticized for their shortcomings. Yet, it’s terrifying to imagine what the world would look like without them. When an unexpected event happens, be it an attack or a provocation aimed at testing the international system, the affected country, in the absence of a coordination mechanism, has no option but to escalate or accept its fate. Either response will likely invite more aggression. If the parties have access to impartial platforms for dialogue, as imperfect as they may be, cycles of violence can be pre-empted and stemmed.



Image: Andrew Stroehlein via Twitter

Even if we look at matters beyond the realm of security – such as climate change – without strong international cooperation, this quintessential tragedy of the commons cannot be solved. Each individual country is better off on the sidelines, waiting for others to address the issue. So the climate will continue to deteriorate, and everyone will be worse off, until and unless various stakeholders come together, show leadership, and begin cooperation in the spirit of mutual trust. For that, a robust global governance mechanism is truly indispensable.
László Szombatfalvy is nevertheless convinced that the system is due for an upgrade. I agree. Here are a few principles worth considering:

1. Draw legitimacy directly from the people, using modern tools

Today, we have a proxy-based system where a person is represented in the U.N. via her nation-state. That has to change. Here, the international institutions need to learn from Facebook, WeChat, and Twitter to deploy technology and connect directly to the people. Firstly, they need to adopt, embrace and internalize the “user experience” style of thinking, leverage the existing social-network infrastructure to connect to individuals from every corner of the world, engage with them, learn about their issues, and develop a response mechanism.
Surely, the digital divide poses a problem, but addressing it is already one of the topics the U.N. is working on. It is better positioned and incentivized to find the remedies than any commercial enterprise alone. And perhaps the U.N. should consider developing an alternative, non-commercial social network with an app in every language and a functionality to help people worldwide to connect and get engaged in global affairs.
Switzerland – the most competitive economy in the world, as assessed by the World Economic Forum – is able to keep its citizens politically with a form of direct democracy. Can modern technology be used to replicate this on a global scale? Can the U.N. make it possible for every person on the planet to get directly engaged in its decision-making process and influence world affairs? It is a question worth exploring.
As the U.N. learns to draw legitimacy from the people, it should involve those very same people in implementing the agenda they help to define. The network of global institutions needs to find a way to raise funds from actors other than nation states. That will help create more accountability in the system and foster greater inclusivity. When Warren Buffett “signed papers that give $31 billion to the Gates Foundation,” did it cross his mind that the U.N. could deploy those resources to advance public interest as well, if not better? If the answer is no, it’s time for a serious self-evaluation. By attracting funders other than Nation States, be it major gifts from philanthropists and corporations or micro-contributions from general public, the U.N. will not just secure financial resources – it will gain stakeholders vested in its success.

2: Learn from tech start-ups - be a platform, not an agency

To start with, the U.N. should learn from László Szombatfalvy and become comfortable crowd-sourcing solutions. The way to overcome the agency problemis to reduce agency. The U.N., the World Bank, and others should make use of the “pay for performance” methodology – one that is agnostic to the type of solution an entrepreneurial venture offers, as long as it addresses the problem.
For example, if the societal value of improving 5th grade reading in Sub-Saharan Africa by 30% happens to be $100M, this figure should just be announced. Whoever is creative enough to raise funds and deliver on this goal for less, can be compensated when the goal is achieved. Such an approach assures results at a capped cost, and it helps foster innovation and outsources risk to third parties – if no one is able to meet the goal, no one gets paid.
To become agile, the U.N. needs to learn from tech startups. Perhaps by partnering with them to test machine learning or other new solutions to global problems. In such partnerships, everybody wins: startups make a contribution and boost their credentials by working on the hairiest of problems and the U.N. gets energy and fresh ideas from startups.

3: Be proactive, not reactive

From the dawn of civilization, human beings have been expanding their circle of affiliation from a family unit, to a tribe, to a city-state, to a nation. The admittedly philosophical problem with the founding of the modern global governance system is that it wasn’t set up with an aspirational goal of expanding this circle of affiliation to include all of humanity. Such a mandate and a clearly defined positive vision for the global cooperation, as opposed to conflict-prevention, is what’s missing from the genesis story of this international system. And, consequently, it stifles proactive agenda setting, which the critics and detractors unvaryingly dismiss and oppose as mission-creep.
To overcome this impediment, the U.N. must learn to boldly set a forward-looking agenda. Take the debate on artificial intelligence (AI), for instance. Some argue that it presents the biggest existential risk to human civilization since the invention of the nuclear weapons. Others forecast that it will make us all better off. Global cooperation on the safe development of AI is vital, and addressing this challenge proactively presents an opportunity for the U.N. to demonstrate leadership.
Through modern technology, international institutions must find a way to tailor communication to each individual stakeholder and explain how her or his life is impacted by global issues, broadening the scope of civic duty beyond the community, nation, and all the way to global political awareness.
Those ideas may or may not be immediately implementable, but what’s important is the initiative taken by the Global Challenges Foundation to stimulate blue-sky thinking. The marginal improvements to the global cooperation system will no longer suffice. My hope is, for the sake of humanity’s common future, that our international institutions will embrace change and commit to a fundamental transformation.
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https://www.weforum.org/agenda/2017/02/3-ways-to-reboot-globalization



Amenaza a la Seguridad Internacional

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This is one of the biggest threats to international security – and it's not what you think


Written by

Editor, World Economic Forum
Published
Thursday 11 February 2016

What’s the one thing that keeps you up at night? Terrorist attacks? Makes sense. Research shows although deaths fell overall from 2014-2015, many countries experienced record levels of terrorism in that period. Natural disasters? With the changes being brought on by global warming, earthquakes, storms and other extreme weather events are on the rise, so you’d be right to worry.
But while these fears are understandable, they might not be the biggest risks, at least in the short term. In the US, for example, you’re more likely to be fatally crushed by furniture than killed by a terrorist. And while natural catastrophes can be devastating, you’re actually less likely to die in one than ever before.

Source: Max Roser; http://ourworldindata.org/data/environmental-change/natural-catastrophes/
So what should really be giving us sleepless nights? Something that you might never have given too much thought to, at least if you live in the developed world: public health disasters. As Bill Gates noted in 2015, “Of all the things that could kill more than 10 million people around the world, the most likely is an epidemic stemming from either natural causes or bioterrorism.”
He has reiterated this warning in December 2016, telling BBC Radio 4 that the world would be vulnerable to a deadly flu epidemic.
“I cross my fingers that some epidemic like a big flu doesn’t come along in the next 10 years.”
A wide range of killers
At the end of 2013, a two-year old boy from a rainforest village in southern Guinea contracted a virus few had heard of and died shortly after. What started off as a personal tragedy quickly took on a global scale, as an Ebola epidemic spread across three countries in West Africa. By the time Liberia was declared Ebola-free in January 2016, more than 11,300 people were dead.
No sooner had the world stopped panicking about an Ebola epidemic, another was making headlines: Zika, a virus spread through mosquito bites that has been linked to serious birth defects. So far, countries across Latin America – Brazil and Colombia in particular – have been the worst hit. But in February 2016, the World Health Organization declared a public health emergency, warning that up to 4 million people could be affected over the coming years.
Since then the virus has been detected across the world. Countries from the US to Singapore have reported cases.
This map shows reported cases as of 9 January 2017.

Image: Health Map

For all the progress we’ve made towards eradicating some of the deadliest and previously widespread diseases – smallpox, soon polio and maybe measles – pandemics and epidemics still pose one of the biggest threats to international security, and new threats seem to pop up every couple of years.
In fact, if anything, the risks keep growing. In war-torn countries like Syria – where 95% of doctors have fled, been detained or killed – health services have been devastated: “All the risk factors that enhance the transmission of communicable diseases in emergencies are present in the current crisis in Syria and its neighbouring countries,” one WHO representative warned.
Climate change could also be amplifying risks, the WHO says: “Changes in infectious disease transmission are a likely major consequence of climate change,” and could trigger an increase of diseases transmitted by insects and waterborne infections.
Even the growing terrorist threat could create public health crises on a huge scale: “Advances in biotechnology have brought a wide range of benefits in health and medical research, food and agriculture. But it has a darker side, as biological weapons are now within the reach of many rogue nations and possibly some terrorist groups,” Daniel Gerstein of the RAND Corporation cautioned in2016.
Devastating knock-on effects
It’s not just the scale of the threat that has people worried, although that is scary enough. In the 14th century, the Black Death killed around 60% of Europe’s population. The 1918-1919 influenza pandemic killed around 40 million people, making it deadlier than the Great War.
Even more worrying, though, are the potential knock-on effects that could threaten global stability: “Epidemics and pandemics can have enormous human tolls. But the social, economic and political consequences can be just as devastating. Take the example of Ebola: some estimate it could end up costing West Africa as much as $15 billion over the next couple of years in lost investment, trade and tourism. There’s no telling the instability this might cause long after the immediate threat is over,” points out Anja Kaspersen, who leads the Forum's work on international security.
Back in September 2014, at the height of the epidemic, the UN Security Council even went as far as to declare it a “threat to international peace and security”. It was the first time the council had met to confront a public health crisis and is evidence of how seriously some international security experts are now taking public health crises.
Woefully unprepared
So how do we deal with this growing threat to international security? “The best defence is being prepared,” last month’s Munich Security Report recommended. And that’s the problem: we’re not prepared. "Traditional preparedness and response measures have proven to be insufficient; mitigating the risk of outbreaks requires novel approaches and cross-sectoral solutions," says Vanessa Candeias, who heads up the Forum's global challenge on health.
A United Nations draft report from February last year warned that the threat is bigger than we think, and we are not ready to deal with it: “The high risk of health crises is widely underestimated, and the world’s preparedness and capacity to respond is woefully insufficient,” they advised. Future epidemics could be far worse than anything we saw in West Africa: “The emergence of a highly pathogenic influenza virus, which could rapidly result in millions of deaths and cause major social, economic and political disruption, is not an unlikely scenario.”
In 2015, Bill Gates put it simply and clearly: “We’re not ready for the next epidemic.”
The Coalition for Epidemic Preparedness Innovations (CEPI) took part in the World Economic Forum’s Annual Meeting 2017. You can watch their session here.
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https://www.weforum.org/agenda/2016/02/this-is-one-of-the-biggest-threats-to-international-security-and-its-not-what-you-think?utm_content=bufferbba15&utm_medium=social&utm_source=twitter.com&utm_campaign=buffer

La viralidad de la risa

Interesante reflexión sobre la risa, entre una risa desesperada, incomprensible e insegura o "una risa [que] es afirmación de la vida...